The Fulani: An Ethnography

This was my final paper for my "Global and Contextual Studies" class last quarter. I did a profile on the Fulani people in West Africa. I will post a summary soon for those who are interested in learning something about them but not interested in reading the whole paper. I can't figure out how to change the formatting on the notes. I was hoping for super-scripted links but I guess you'll just have to settle for numbers in brackets because that's what it gave me.


General Information/Introduction
The Fulani people make up one of the largest ethnic groups in West Africa although they typically make up a minority in any given country where they are found.[1] They are primarily located in the region referred to as the Sahel located along the southern border of the Sahara.[2] They can be found in over twenty countries along this border stretching from the Red Sea to the Atlantic Coast.[3] Most Fulani speak Fulfulde as well as the common language from their country of residence.[4]

The Fulani can be more narrowly defined according to their nomadic, semi-sedentary or sedentary lifestyle or by the sub-groups that have developed due to the size and dispersion of their people group. This ethnography will focus primarily on the nomadic groups located in West Africa, although general characteristics of nomadic and sedentary groups located in areas throughout the Sahel will also be considered.

Brief History
Although the history of the Fulani is hard to trace, it is generally well accepted that their origins lie in the Arabian Peninsula.[5] From here, they migrated south and west into the present-day Senegal-Gambia region before moving east across the rest of West Africa by the 10th century.[6]

The Fulani’s original movement into new areas was often peaceful, but religious resentment grew between the Fulani people and the local leaders.[7] The Fulani are strict adherents to Islam and in the 18th and 19th centuries, they incited jihads throughout West Africa in an attempt to purify the religion.[8] These holy wars were particularly intense in northern Nigeria.[9]

Their efforts were aided by the British colonialists who found it to their advantage to favor the Fulani and give them special treatment.[10] As the British moved into northern Nigeria, they found that the most effective way for them conquer the people was to rule indirectly through Muslim leaders.[11] With this strategy in mind, the British combined their plan for indirect rule with the Fulani desire for a purified Islamic state.[12] The Fulani were generally successful in their “holy war” efforts and many of their men emerged as political and religious leaders as a result.[13] It was because of their roles as political and religious leaders that many of the Fulani in this area adopted semi-sedentary or completely settled lifestyles.

Size/Population
It is difficult to discuss the distribution of a people who are marked by movement and migration. Not only are they widely dispersed but it can also be difficult to determine who ought to be categorized as Fulani as some of them have assimilated to their surrounding cultures.[14] According to the estimations at www.joshuaproject.net, the Fulani/Fulbe people cluster represents over 31,000,000 people throughout sub-saharan Africa.[15] Because the Fulani can be so hard to identify, other estimates range as low as 6 million.[16] The largest concentrations can be found in Nigeria, Senegal and Guinea where the success of the holy wars caused a greater number of Fulani leaders to settle.[17]

Climate
A majority of Fulani are found in the semi-arid strip just south of the Sahara desert. They are also found in the tropical wet and dry climate of northern Nigeria and Cameroon.[18] They are prevented from moving any further south by the presence of the tsetse fly which is found primarily in the tropical regions of central Africa and poses a serious threat to the health of their livestock.[19]

The nomadic Fulani who live in this region of the Sahel face some of the harshest living conditions in the world.[20] There is one short rainy season that typically lasts from the beginning of June to the end of September with extreme variations regarding the amount and location of the rain.[21] Recurring droughts can be devastating to the Fulani and their herds while the resulting desertification destroys precious pastureland.[22] One particularly bad drought began in 1969 and lasted into the 1980s. The Fulani are just now recovering from the demographic impact of this drought; they continue to find it difficult to find grazing land for their cattle due to the resulting destruction to vegetation.[23]

Identity
Pulaaku, often understood as “Fulani-ness,” defines the essence of what it means to be Fulani. It describes the character, behavior, moral standards, customs, etiquette and, ultimately, the lifestyle of the Fulani.[24] It is suggested that the Fulani do not believe this is something they learn; rather, it is seen as a characteristic, an internal quality that dictates how they interact with the world and with each other.[25] These cultural traditions are deeply ingrained in the Fulani’s sense of identity. According to Frank Salamone, “There is a sense that no one invented nor can change these traditions, for they define what it is to be Fulani.”[26]

One of the essential characteristics of the Fulani’s pulaaku is a strong sense of shame. Strict behavioral codes inform interactions between everyone from strangers to certain relatives.[27] To break these behavioral codes, to not act as a Fulani, brings a sense of shame upon the individual. Interestingly, the shame a Fulani experiences for not honoring the virtues of pulaaku is itself one of the pulaaku virtues.[28]

Although the individual may indeed feel a sense of shame interiorly, the shame referred to here also includes an awareness of the disapproval of others in the community.[29] Riesman, in his enthnography on Fulani social life, describes this sense of shame as “a social force acting within the psyche of each person in such a way that everyone orients his behavior according to the same model and thereby contributes to the social order.”[30] This sense of shame, then, which is so closely tied to the Fulani’s ethnic identity, is felt both personally and publicly. As Paranjpe states in his Introduction to Ethnic Identities and Prejudices, “Ethnicity is as much a matter of an individual’s socialization and subjective interpretation as it is the result of global socioeconomic forces.”[31] The Fulani’s adherence to pulaaku and the shame that results from not acting accordingly is a perfect example of this.

So what exactly is pulaaku? It is most easily defined as self-control and the ability to control one’s emotions.[32] However, this may be too simplified, as pulaaku extends to all areas of life. The Fulani’s identity is closely tied to their cattle and, therefore, knowledge and confidence in cattle herding is a part of pulaaku for the men.[33] Knowledge of the Fulfulde language and proficiency in use, the second most distinguishing mark of the Fulani after their cattle, is also considered part of their “Fulani-ness.”[34] Islamic values of modesty, reserve and patience are also included in this ethical code.[35] The identification of Fulani men as religious and moral leaders during the time of British colonialism discussed earlier may have played a part in cementing these Islamic values into the Fulani’s ethical code.[36]

The strong ethnic identity that results from such a structured social order can build a sense of belonging and solidarity to a group;[37] At the same time, this strong ethnic identity can also breed a “we-they” mentality which could encourage social conflict and war.[38] This seems to have been the case in Nigeria during the British conquest. Their strong sense of identity along with the favor they received from the British created dissension between the Fulani and other ethnic groups in Nigeria. Although their existing sense of identity contributed to the situation, their identity was also redefined and shaped as they adjusted to their new political and religious leadership roles and became highly honored models for strict moral conduct. this can be an important bond for a dispersed, nomadic people like the Fulani.

Physical Characteristics and Dress
The Fulani can be recognized by their straight hair and fine features including a narrow nose, thin lips and a tall, slender stature. They have lighter skin tones than other Africans, a trait often attributed to the myth that their origin stems from the marriage of a Moor (a Muslim of Arab descent) and an African.[39] These physical characteristics are considered a part of pulaaku and are not distinguished from the moral qualities discussed earlier.[40] The Fulani take great pride in their beauty and, although modest in dress, young men and women decorate themselves with jewelry and makeup that accentuates their features.[41]


Housing and Transportation
As a nomadic people, the Fulani’s main impetus for migrating is the search for water and better grazing land for their livestock.[42] Secondary reasons for their movement may include war, drought, disease, trade, or for the purposes of marriage.[43] Most of their transportation is done on foot although some families do own animals such as donkeys and camels.[44] They live in temporary camps that are setup and dismantled by the women each time that the herd moves.[45]


Healthcare and Education
The acquisition of healthcare and formal education presents unique difficulties for nomadic groups. The high risk of disease exposure paired with low access to healthcare facilities makes healthcare an issue for the Fulani. Their lifestyle exposes them to a multitude of diseases, insect stings, animal bites and natural hazards. Yet lack of transportation and cost prevent many Fulani from seeking medical attention until their health is in critical condition. Even when they do seek help, they experience more problems due to their language barrier and lack of education on how to take prescription medication. The Fulani do have some natural immunity to certain diseases as well as some herbal remedies, but these are not adequate for treating serious health conditions.[46]

Fulani who have settled in towns often send their children to Qu’ranic school and they may even go on to attend the university.[47] However, the transient nature of the nomadic life does not allow for this kind of structure among the pastoralists. Their children’s education happens more informally through story-telling, the recitation of proverbs and other forms of socialization.[48] Occasionally, young boys will be sent away to study at an Islamic school for several years before returning to his family as a teenager. Some may have an opportunity to attend a state school but issues regarding lax moral values and poor development of herding skills put the state schools at odds with pulaaku, causing the Fulani to place a greater value on Qu’ranic education.[49]

The settled Fulani are generally more concerned about adhering to Islamic practices than the pastoralists, yet even many pastoralists will begin teaching their children how to read Arabic and pray at a young age.[50] Sheikh Usman dan Fodio, a prominent Fulani leader during the 18th century jihads, gained support for the holy wars by distributing Islamic writings and poems in Fulfulde.[51] These writings continue to be a significant part of the Fulani’s religious education today.

Economy
The Fulani are generally thought of as a pastoral, cattle-herding group although not all Fulani are nomadic.[52] Some Fulani have given up their herds and settled into towns where they engage in agricultural practices. Others are semi-sedentary, seeking to find a balance between cattle herding and agriculture.[53] Owning cattle is closely tied to the Fulani identity. Herding and trading is the most traditional work a man can do.[54] Those who own cattle may own anywhere from 10 heads to several hundred.[55] It is not uncommon for a herder to care for someone else’s cattle along with his own herd for an extra wage.[56] Other honorable occupations include religious workers, farmers and artisans. These occupations are more common among the semi-sedentary and settled Fualni.[57]

There is a distinct division of labor between the men and the women. Herding is a job for the men while the women have the responsibility of milking the cattle.[58] However, the women are not allowed to milk the cattle until after they have borne their first child.[59] The women may then trade the milk in the markets for money or other food items.[60] Although women remain dependent on their husbands to provide them cattle to milk, they are allowed to determine what they do with their earnings, allowing them some amount of economic and social independence.[61] A study done on milk selling among Fulani women in Burkina Faso showed that most of the women’s money was spent on utensils and mat-making materials. Rarely would the women use their money to help buy some of the staple foods for the family.[62] Milk sales suffer during the dry season when the women only milk the cows once a day in contrast to twice a day during the wet season.[63]

Marriage
Fulani marriages are often arranged although there is great variation in who arranges them and how they are arranged.[64] Family marriages are preferred, especially among the nomadic Fulani, with unions between cross- and parallel-cousins being the most desirable.[65] The transfer of the bride’s rights is often symbolized by the movement of cattle from the herd of the bride’s father to that of her husband.[66] With that in mind, one of the most important reasons for family marriages is to keep the wealth within the lineage.[67] Brides also move to live with her husband’s family, so marrying a relative may keep a woman closer to her parents and siblings, though this is not always the case.[68]

Following Islamic custom, the Fulani people practice polygamy with men typically taking up to four wives, although in certain areas the wealthy men may take more than four.[69] Women usually enter their first marriage somewhere during their teens or occasionally into their early twenties while men do not take their first wife until they are between the ages of twenty-five and thirty.[70] Although there may be true affection felt between a man and a wife, even in an arranged marriage, the Fulani will attempt to master the emotions they feel since emotions may lead them to act contrary to pulaaku.[71] Divorce is not uncommon among the Fulani and tends to be more prevalent among the nomadic groups than those that are settled.[72]

Family Relations
Family relationships among the Fulani are based on a well-defined system of authority. This authority is most often conferred by age and it is exercised by the right of the older generation to insult the younger one.[73] However, a child is not insulted until he or she is well out of infancy. Infants are expected to be irresponsible since they have not yet developed pulaaku.[74] Parents are encouraged to refrain from disciplining young children and to avoid becoming angry themselves lest they fail to control their emotions and bring shame upon themselves.[75] Mothers often experience very close bonds with their children and they are expected to breastfeed their children for the first two years.[76] The Fulani believe that the child receives its sense of pulaaku through the mother’s milk.[77]

Although a mother’s relationship with her children remains intimate throughout life, the father often remains emotionally distant.[78] It is the father and his brothers who will establish their authority over their children (and other younger men) by insulting and taunting them, one of the most decisive ways of claiming “the right to be obeyed.”[79] Younger men are not allowed to return the insults without violating pulaaku.. However, men in the same age group may reciprocate insults as a sign of social equality.[80]

Although men demonstrate authority over women in public in accordance with societal rules, in reality the women maintain a sense of freedom. A woman will respect her husband’s authority yet she does not feel mastered by him. The general acceptance of divorce, the polygamous nature of the culture which provides marriage options to women even at an older age and the ability to gain some economic independence through the sale of milk all contribute to a feeling of independence for women.[81] They are submissive yet they understand that they could function in their society even if they were to flee their husband.


Ceremonies and Holidays
The Fulani people celebrate traditional Islamic holidays including Ramadan and the Eids (feasts that mark the end of Ramadan and Ibrahim’s offering of Ishmael).[82] Other than the Islamic holidays, the only other time that people gather in great numbers is for a child’s naming ceremony and for funerals.[83] The marriage ceremony is largely a legal proceeding and does not produce the same degree of celebration. It is not uncommon for both the bride and the groom to be absent from the ceremony.[84]

The naming ceremony, which occurs one week after birth, is one of the most important events in the Fulani’s life. This ceremony marks the day when the baby becomes a person and is accepted into the community.[85] All of the relatives are expected to attend the ceremony and many gifts are exchanged including two bulls which are sacrificed (one from the child’s father and one from the maternal grandfather).[86]

Religion
Islam was introduced in West Africa around the 10th century and it spread quickly along the trade routes.[87] As noted earlier, this coincides with the arrival of the Fulani in the Senegal-Gambia region. The religion flourished as the presence of Muslim leadership grew throughout the region.[88] The jihads marked the end of Muslim control in some areas, but in other areas, such as with the Fulani in northern Nigera, the idea of a Muslim society became even more deeply ingrained in the people’s culture.[89]

There are five foundational aspects of Islamic faith. They are as follows: 1) Allah is the one and only God, 2) the existence of a spiritual cosmology including angels who record the deeds of humans, 3) Allah reveals himself through the Quar’an, 4) Allah speaks through his prophets, and 5) there will be a final judgment for all peoples.[90]

There are also five required acts of worship or “pillars” consisting of the testimony of faith (“There is no God but Allah and Muhammad is his prophet.”), five daily prayers, tithing, fasting, and the pilgrimage to Mecca.[91] As stated earlier, the Fulani who have settled in towns adhere to these practices more strictly than the nomadic Fulani.

After living among the Fulani in nothern Burkina Faso, Riesman came to the conclusion that “the fact of being a Moslem is inseparable from the fact of being a Fulani.”[92] Many Islamic influences can be seen in the social code of pulaaku. This is especially true in regards to appropriate interactions between men and women. High degrees of modesty, the limitation of women’s public appearances and strict separation of men and women, even in the home, are all Fulani values with strong roots in the Muslim religion.[93] Islamic tradition also favors arranged, cross-cousin marriages and the relocation of the bride to her husband’s home which is often at his parents’ estate. [94]

Status of Christianity
Joushuaproject.net lists the Fulani people group as one of the “least reached” groups in the world.[95] Joshua Project defines “least reached” as “a people group among which there is no indigenous community of believing Christians with adequate numbers and resources to evangelize this people group.”[96] It is estimated that among 6.7 million Fulani, only 400 are Christians.[97] SIM reports that the New Testament, the Jesus film and some Christian broadcasts are all available in Fulfulde.[98] They are also working on new translations that take into account some of the different Fulfulde dialects.[99]


Implications/Application
The hostile history between Christians and Muslims must be considered when attempting to evangelize a people group with nearly 100% adherence to Islam.[100] However, the most difficult aspect of reaching the Fulani for Christ may be the depth to which they integrate their religion into their identity as a people. Influential events in the history of Islam have played a part in defining the cultural heritage of their group.[101] The 18th century jihads and the support of British colonialists are an example of this. Islamic ideology and practice became inseparable from the concept of pulaaku and, as the Salamone quote from earlier states, this has become the very definition of what it is to be Fulani.

The implications of pulaaku for Christian missionaries are far-reaching. Emotional control is essential for winning the respect of the Fualni. Any display of temper on the part of the missionary can negate the positive influence of works of service or profitable discussion.[102] Even the disciplining of young children may be seen as a reason to incur shame. High levels of modesty for women, strict gender roles and a working knowledge of cattle herding are other features of pulaaku that could prove to be cultural barriers for a Western missionary. Missionaries who live among the Fulani must be aware of the social stigmas that influence how the Fulani perceive them.

Despite these differences in cultural identity, there are also areas of agreement even as far as religion is concerned. There are areas of convergence between Islam and Christianity, including the attestation of one God, the responsibility of man to worship him, and a rejection of idolatry.[103] However, areas of divergence must also be acknowledged. Issues regarding the Trinity, salvation and the deity of Jesus can prove to be “stumbling blocks” to a Muslim.[104] Although ultimately the Christian-Muslim barrier may be crossed by the demonstration of Christlike qualities, missionaries must also know their Bible well. The Fulani may memorize the entire Qu’ran and large portions of the Bible during the Koranic education and an inability to engage in intelligent doctrinal discussion may be a hindrance to earning the respect of the Fulani.

There are instances of positive gospel influence among the Fulani. Important implications for missionary interactions can be learned from these anecdotal stories. One such example is that of Ann Croft who taught English among the Fulani in northern Nigeria. As a female teacher, she was able to minister to every person in the community.[105] The men respected her for her knowledge and her ministry among the women did not break cultural values of gender segregation.[106]

Croft found that her greatest influence among the Fulani began with her care for their cattle. The Fulani became convinced of Croft’s love for their people when she improved the health of their herds through veterinary medicine.[107] She also found biblical examples of cattle-herders who played significant roles in biblical history.[108] The love she demonstrated by understanding the significance of cattle in their culture coupled with her biblical examples of cattle-herders sparked interest among the Fulani regarding the gospel.

Another positive example is that of Tracy and Patty Goen, married missionary doctors working in Nigeria. Their hospital is known among the people as a place where people are healed by praying in the name of Jesus.[109] After an incidental encounter with a suffering teenager whose life was saved by Tracy’s surgical skills, Goen was honored with the title of a Fualni king, not realizing he had saved the saved the son of an influential leader.[110] His newly found status has allowed him new opportunities to share Christ with the Fulani.[111]

These examples show that biblical knowledge, cultural understanding and Christ-like care for the Fulani are all ways to open doors for the gospel. Missionaries among the Fulani would do well to show interest in Fulani values including their high regard for cattle and the implications of pulaaku. They should not be prone to emotional outbursts. Also, it would be essential for them to be able to speak Fulfulde.

As always, these missionary endeavors must be bathed in intercessory prayer. The implications for a Fulani convert may include ostracization, the inability to participate in cattle-trading due to social implications and the loss of their identity as a Fulani. The total integration of the Muslim religion with Fulani identity has created a significant stronghold among the people. The world-wide Church must be willing to intercede before God that this stronghold would be broken.

[1] Yaa P.A. Oppong, Moving Through and Passing On: Fulani Mobility, Survival, and Identity in Ghana (New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers, 2002), 3-4. [2] Ibid., 3. [3] Ibid. [4] Michelle C. Johnson, “The View From the Wuro: A Guide to Child Rearing for Fulani Parents,” in A World of Babies: Imagined Childcare Guides for Seven Societies, ed. Judy S. DeLoache and Alma Gottlieb (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 171. [5] Ismail Iro, “The Characteristics of the Fulani,” http://www.gamji.com/fulani3.htm (accessed March 9, 2009). [6] Frank A. Salamone, “Fulani,” World Culture Encyclopedia, http://www.everyculture.com/Africa-Middle-East/Fulani.html (accessed March 9, 2009). [7] Salamone, “Fulani.” [8] C. VerEecke, “Fulani,” in Africa, vol. 1 of Worldmark Encyclopedia of Cultures and Daily Life (Detroit: Gale, 1998), 169. [9] Salamone, “Fulani.” [10] Frank A. Salamone, “Colonialism and the Emergence of Fulani Identity,” Journal of Asian and African Studies 20, no. 3-4 (July 1985): 195. [11] Ibid., 196. [12] Ibid. [13] VerEecke, 169. [14] Oppong, 29. [15] Joshua Project, “Fulani/Fulbe,” U.S Center for World Mission, http://www.joshuaproject.net/people-clusters.php?rop2=C0077 (accessed March 9, 2009). [16] VerEecke, 169. [17] Ibid., 169-170. [18] World Book, “African Climate,” World Book Inc., http://www.worldbook.com/wb/Students?content _spotlight/climates/ african_climate (accessed March 9, 2009). [19] Joshua Project. [20] Oppong, 4. [21] Paul Riesman, Freedom in Fulani Social Life: An Introspective Ethnography, trans. Martha Fuller (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1977), 10. [22] Iro. [23] Oppong, 24-25. [24] Ibid., 151. [25] Ibid., 122. [26] Salamone, “Fulani.” [27] VerEecke, 172. [28] Riesman, 139. [29] Ibid., 138. [30] Riesman, 138-139. [31] A.C. Paranjpe, “Ethnic Identities and Prejudices: Perspectives from the Third World,” Journal of Asian and African Studies 20 no. 3-4 (July 1985): 135. [32] Riesman, 139. [33] Oppong, 152. [34] Ibid. [35] VerEecke, 171. [36] Salamone, “Colonialism,” 197. [37] Paranjpe, 133. [38] Paranjpe, 133. [39] Oppong, 32. [40] Riesman, 127. [41] VerEecke, 171. [42] Oppong, 21. [43] Oppong, 20. [44] VerEecke, 171. [45] Ibid., 171-172. [46] Iro. [47] VerEecke, 172. [48] Ibid. [49] Oppong, 140. [50] Johnson, 197. [51] Farouk Topam, “Muslim Literature in Sub-Saharan Africa,” in The Muslim Almanac: A Reference Work on the History, Faith, Culture and Peoples of Islam, ed. Azim A. Nanji (New York: Gale, 1996), 365-366. [52] Oppong, 4. [53] Johnson, 172. [54] Oppong, 60. [55] Solveig Buhl and Katherine Homewood, “Milk Selling Among Fulani Women in Northern Burkina Faso,” in Rethinking Pastoralism in Africa: Gender, Culture and the Myth of the Patriarchal Pastoralist, ed. Dorothy L. Hodgson (Oxford: James Currey, 2000), 213-214 [56] Oppong, 64. [57] Oppong, 59. [58] Salamone, “Fulani.” [59] Johnson, 181. [60] VerEecke, 172. [61] Buhl, 213. [62] Ibid., 218. [63] Ibid., 220. [64] Oppong, 96. [65] Iro. [66] Oppong, 104. [67] VerEecke, 171. [68] Oppong, 108. [69] Ibid., 91-92. [70] Ibid., 89-90. [71] Riesman, 210. [72] Oppong, 95. [73] Riesman, 76-77. [74] Johnson, 196. [75] Johnson, 196-197. [76] Ibid., 193-194. [77] Ibid., 196. [78] Ibid., 198. [79] Riesman, 77-78. [80] Ibid., 77. [81] Oppong, 97-98. [82] VerEecke, 171. [83] Riesman, 177. [84] Ibid. [85] Johnson, 183. [86] Ibid. [87] Sulayman Nyang, “Islam in Sub-Saharan Africa,” in The Muslim Almanac: A Reference Work on the History, Faith, Culture and Peoples of Islam, ed. Azim A. Nanji (New York: Gale, 1996), 47. [88] Ibid. [89] Ibid., 49-50. [90] James D. Chancellor and Jeffery Wasserman, “The Religions of the Middle East: Islam and Judaism,” in Missiology: An Introduction to the Foundations, History and Strategy of World Missions, ed. John Mark Terry, Ebbie Smith and Justice Anderson (Nashville: Broadman & Holman, 1998), 383-384. [91] Ibid., 384-385. [92] Riesman, 96. [93] Marcia K. Hermansen, “Women, Men, and Gender in Islam,” in The Muslim Almanac: A Reference Work on the History, Faith, Culture and Peoples of Islam, ed. Azim A. Nanji (New York: Gale, 1996), 382-385. [94] Hermansen, 383-384. [95] Joshua Project. [96] Joshua Project [97] Mahoumet, Fatima, “Ann Croft and the Fulani,” in Perspectives on the World Christian Movement, ed. Ralph D. Winter and Steven C. Hawthorne (Pasadena: William Carey Library, 1999), 693. [98] Serving in Mission, “Fulani,” www.sim.org/index.php/content/fulani (accessed March 9, 2009). [99] Ibid. [100] David J. Hesselgrave, Communicating Christ Cross-Culturally: An Introduction to Missionary Communication, 2nd ed. (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1991), 277. [101] Gordon Newby, “Muslims, Jews, and Christians: Relations and Interactions,” in The Muslim Almanac: A Reference Work on the History, Faith, Culture and Peoples of Islam, ed. Azim A. Nanji (New York: Gale, 1996), 423. [102] Hesselgrave, 280. [103] The Lausanne Committee for World Evangelization, “The Willowbank Report,” in Perspectives on the World Christian Movement, ed. Ralph D. Winter and Steven C. Hawthorne (Pasadena: William Carey Library, 1999), 490. [104] Warren Chastain, “On Turning Muslim Stumbling Blocks into Stepping Stones,” in Perspectives on the World Christian Movement, ed. Ralph D. Winter and Steven C. Hawthorne (Pasadena: William Carey Library, 1999), 652-653. [105] Mahoumet, 693. [106] Ibid. [107] Ibid. [108] Ibid. [109] Deann Alford, “The Missionary: How a Double-M.D. Couple Ended Up Getting the Royal Treatment,” Christianity Today, November, 2005, 85. [110] Ibid., 82-85. [111] Ibid., 85.